Except for timely election info, the extensive list of voting resources will now be at the end.

“There’s a reason why you separate military and police. One fights the enemy of the State. The other serves and protects the People. When the military becomes both, then the enemies of the State tend to become the People.” ~ Commander Adama, “Battlestar Galactica” (“WATER”, Season 1 episode 2, at the 28 minute mark.)

“If it sounds to you like I am alarmist, that is because I am ringing an alarm …” ~ Governor JB Pritzker famously said on August 26, 2025 (“JB Pritzker BLASTS Trump: POWERFUL SPEECH protecting Illinois’ largest city”, August 26, 2025)

Full text of Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker’s speech at news conference on reported Trump military plan for Chicago (August 26, 2025)

Welcome to Thinkwing Radio with Mike Honig on KPFT Houston at 90.1-HD2, Galveston 89.5-HD2, and Huntsville 91.9-HD2. KPFT is Houston’s Community radio.

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On this show, we discuss local, state, national, and international stories that may have slipped under your radar. At my website, THINKWINGRADIO-dot-COM, I link to all the articles I read and cite, as well as other relevant sources. Articles and commentaries often include lots of internet links for those of you who want to dig deeper. I do try to fact-check myself and include the links I use to do so.

It’s the 36th week of Trump’s military occupation of Washington DC; and 25 weeks since those states’ governors deployed National Guard troops to Memphis, Tennessee and New Orleans, Louisiana, at Trump’s request, which is where they remain for now.  

The next gubernatorial election in Tennessee is in about 6 months. I really want to see how that one turns out.

LAWFARE has a frequently updated chart of where US troops are currently stationed around the US. It begins tracking from 2017 to current. The list can show in ascending or descending order, and the link is in this show post at ThinkwingRadio-dot-com.

Due to time constraints, some stories may be longer in this show post than in the broadcast show itself.

1. If you live in Harris County, there is also an election calendar that you an access at com/Event-Calendar
   1. Busy election calendars like we’re currently experiencing pretty much guarantee small voter turnouts either from election fatigue or general apathy. You can decide for yourself if that’s a feature or a bug.
   2. REFERENCE: Blue Voter Guide
2. On May 2^nd, there is another election, this time it’s the Republican Primary Runoff for Texas Senate District 4.
   1. Texas SD-4 serves all of Chambers county, and portions of Galveston, Harris, Jefferson, and Montgomery counties.^[1]
   2. Early Voting for SD-4 starts on Monday, Apr 20, 2026 and ends Apr 28, 2026
   3. The candidates are Republican RETT W. LIGON vs. Democrat RON C. ANGELETTI
   4. You can only vote in this runoff if you voted in the original Republican primary or if you didn’t vote in the primary at all.
   5. If you don’t get mail-in ballots and you’re not sure if you’re in SD-4, you can get more information at HarrisVotes-dot-com, your county election clerk, or from the Texas Secretary of State’s office at VoteTexas-dot-gov.
   6. SD-4 early voting days and hours are unusual. Early Voting begins on Monday, April 20 from 7AM – 7PM. Early voting is temporarily closed for one day on Tuesday, April 21.
   7. SD-4 early voting resumes on Wednesday April 22 – 28 from 7AM – 7PM, except for Sunday, April 26 when the voting hours are from Noon to 7PM.
   8. SD-4 Election Day is May 2 from 7AM – 7PM
   9. As always, remember that if you are on line to vote by 7PM, you cannot be turned away until you have voted.
3. For those Houstonians who are in City Council District C, that Runoff is scheduled for May 16^th. I’ll report more election information when we get closer.
4. And speaking of election fatigue, are you gonna be ready for the Texas STATE runoff elections? These will be from the results of the primaries for state offices.
   1. On May 26, 2026, we’ll have Texas State Primary Runoff Elections.
   2. Early Voting for that election will Start May 18, 2026 and End May 22, 2026.
5. There is a comprehensive article covering the statewide runoffs from TEXASTRIBUNE-dot-ORG. It’s long and detailed, so I’m just going to read the intro — Here’s how to vote in Texas’ May 26 primary runoff elections; By María Méndez; Graphic by Apurva Mahajan | TEXASTRIBUNE.ORG | March 18, 2026, 5:00 a.m. Central/Updated April 6, 2026, 3:45 p.m. Central. TAGS: 2026 elections, Congress, John Cornyn, Ken Paxton, State Agencies,
   1. Candidates in more than 30 state and federal races are expected to face off again in the May 26 runoff after failing to secure more than half of the votes cast in the March Republican and Democratic primaries. This includes Attorney General Ken Paxton’s challenge to U.S. John Cornyn, as well as several candidates for statewide or district-based elected offices in Texas.
   2. In these undecided races, registered voters can choose their preferred candidate on May 26 or during the May 18-22 early voting period.
   3. But remember, Texas doesn’t allow double dipping. Voters who already voted in the Republican or Democratic primary this year can only vote in that same party’s runoff elections. Voters who didn’t vote in March can choose to vote in either party’s runoff. (Texans don’t have to formally register with a party.) …
   4. [The story has links to sections with information on what you need to know. Their titled:] What’s on the ballot?; What dates do I need to know?; … about voter registration requirements?; … about mail-in voting?; … about going to the polls?; [and] How can I make sure my ballot is counted?;
   5. MIKE: Among the high-profile state runoffs are Republicans: John Cornyn vs. Ken Paxton for U.S. Senate; and Mayes Middleton vs. Chip Roy for Texas attorney general
   6. MIKE: On the Democratic side, Democratic runoffs are Vikki Goodwin vs. Marcos Vélez for Lieutenant governor; and Nathan Johnson vs. Joe Jaworski for Attorney general
   7. MIKE: And thank goodness, there are no elections in June!
6. Speaking of special elections, from COMMUNITYIMPACT[.]COM — Houston officials question cost of special elections after approving $1.4M price tag; By Ariel Worthy | COMMUNITYIMPACT.COM | 2:19 PM Apr 17, 2026 CDT/Updated 2:19 PM Apr 17, 2026 CDT. TAGS: Houston City Council, cost of special elections, elections, Harris County,
   1. Some members of Houston City Council raised concerns about the cost of special elections after approving a $1.4 million price tag for the District C special election.
   2. … On April 15, council passed an ordinance that would pay Harris County $1.4 million for the April 4 District C special election to replace council member Abbie Kamin, who is running for Harris County attorney.
   3. At-large Position 3 council member Twila Carter said the city is paying “astronomical” prices for these elections. She used the last special election for at-large Position 4, which replaced Letitia Plummer with council member Alejandra Salinas, as an example, [saying] “I think we spent $7 million. … Those are heavy-duty numbers for as few people who vote.”
   4. The April 4 special election, which ended in a runoff, saw over 9,400 people voting, according to Harris County election results. The district has over 169,000 registered voters, which equates to about 5.5% of voters.
   5. Of the $1.4 million for the April 4 election, the funding went toward expenses for polling locations, ballots, election workers and administrative support. The city of Houston will pay the actual cost of the election under its contract agreement with the county, although Harris County runs the election.
   6. … Kamin agreed with Carter and said they are limited by state law.
   7. [Kamin said,] “When you want to have elections on the same day, state law precludes that because it’s different types of elections. … It puts not only the workers in a tough place, it also puts a strain on voters. It’s not easy.”
   8. Kamin said in some instances, voters may have to go to different polling locations for different elections to cast their ballots.
   9. District E council member Fred Flickinger gave an example of how difficult access may be, [saying,] “The runoff we had a couple of years ago in the Kingwood area, there was actually one poll in Montgomery County, and the dollars we spent per voter was insane. … So yeah, I think it would be nice if maybe we could make the state look at this and see if we can do something a little better and still give everyone access.”
   10. … No official decisions have been made in reaching out to the state about the cost of elections. The special election runoff will be held May 16, and voters will decide between Nick Hellyar and Joe Panzarella, who will represent [City Council] District C until January 2028.
   11. MIKE: It would be nice if the State would allow some consolidation of special elections, but don’t hold your breath. I think voter suppression from voter fatigue is more their objective than saving money.
7. You may have heard about this already, but I like some of the nuance in this story. From HOUSTONCHRONICLE[.]COM — Commissioners appoint Abbie Kamin Harris County attorney ahead of November election; By John Lomax V, Staff Writer | HOUSTONCHRONICLE.COM | April 16, 2026. TAGS: Harris County Commissioners Court, Houston City Council Member Abbie Kamin, Harris County Attorney,
   1. Harris County Commissioners Court voted 3-2 Thursday to appoint Houston City Council Member Abbie Kamin as county attorney.
   2. Kamin will be the third county attorney to lead the office in less than a year. U.S. Rep Christian Menefee, D-Houston, vacated the office to run for Congress. Commissioners then appointed his deputy, Jonathan Fombonne, to the position; Fombonne is not seeking elected office. 
   3. Kamin’s appointment takes effect June 15, meaning she will continue to represent Houston’s District C until after the May 16 runoff. 
   4. The move grants Kamin an advantage in the November election, said Brandon Rottinghaus, a political science professor at the University of Houston. 
   5. [Rottinghaus said,] “This isn’t a situation where they’re taking the selection out of the hands of the voters. … That said, there’s clearly an advantage for her to be in office before the election, because she can speak very clearly about the kind of goals that she’s been pursuing and how aggressively she’s been fighting.”
   6. Although Rottinghaus said commissioners were effectively “putting their finger on the scale” of the November election by appointing Kamin, he said partisan appointments are common on both sides of the aisle. He pointed to the recent appointment of Daniel Wong, the Republican nominee for Fort Bend County judge, to that position. His predecessor KP George was removed from office by a judge after allegations of misconduct. 
   7. Republican Commissioner Tom Ramsey and [Democratic] Judge Lina Hidalgo voted against Kamin’s appointment. Hidalgo said she did not feel comfortable appointing someone actively running for the position, as was done in Fort Bend County. 
   8. [Hidalgo said,] “Part of me thinks: ‘Well, this this gives an unfair advantage to the candidate of one party.’ It happens to be the Democratic Party. The other way to look at it is, well, if the Republican Party does it and the Democrats don’t do it, then we’re sort of chumps. … I was just so appalled when I read the news about Fort Bend, and it doesn’t feel right for me to do the same thing that so appalled me.” 
   9. Ramsey said Kamin’s appointment lacked transparency and that his office was not made aware of the plan until just days prior to the meeting. The move also sparked criticism from Jacqueline Lucci Smith, Kamin’s Republican opponent. 
   10. [Smith said in a post on social media,] “The County Attorney’s Office exists to serve the people of Harris County, not to protect political agendas or provide an advantage in an upcoming election. … Harris County deserves leadership that is accountable to voters, not appointed to avoid them.”
   11. Kamin has not appeared as an attorney of record in Harris County or federal courts, records show. 
   12. The District C council member has had her eye on becoming the county’s top civil litigator since at least late 2025. Kamin collected a list of nearly 60 elected officials who supported her appointment to the position in November. But Commissioner Rodney Ellis said at the time that appointing her prior to the March primary would tip the scales in her favor over her Democratic opponent. …
   13. The Harris County attorney is the civil counterpart to the district attorney, who litigates criminal offenses. The office represents county employees and office holders in civil court, advises commissioners on legal matters and leads cases against individuals and organizations that violate civil law. 
   14. Fombonne will remain in office until Kamin assumes the position in June. The November election will decide who fills the remainder of Menefee’s term, which expires in 2028. 
   15. Commissioners thanked Fombonne for leading the office following Menefee’s resignation. Commissioner Lesley Briones said Kamin is the first woman to serve as Harris County attorney.  
   16. MIKE: As soon as I saw that headline my first thoughts were, “Wow! If that isn’t a political endorsement before the election, I don’t know what is!” So, I think that County Judge Lina Hildago sentiments are ones that I agree with.
   17. MIKE: On the other hand, I totally agree that Democrats have to stop bringing knives to gunfights.
   18. MIKE: If Republicans can ever bring themselves back to — or just, “to” — principled politics, I hope that all sides could just take a breath and fight fair … Or at least, more fair. That’s a lot of additional qualifiers, and I’m not expecting that to happen in my lifetime.
8. I said last week that I would read this article from POLITICO-dot-EU if Magyar won, and he did. I think that it provides some important insights into the man that so many Hungarians and Europeans have set their hopes upon, and the potential he holds for some significant regional and geopolitical shifts, despite the small size of the country he will govern — Péter Magyar’s revolt: The insider challenging Hungary’s Viktor Orbán; By Max Griera, in BUDAPEST | POLITICO.EU | April 8, 2026 4:00 am CET. TAGS: Hungary, Péter Magyar, Hungary parliamentary election, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, Moscow, the EU, NATO, Tisza Party, Fidesz Party,
   1. Few outside Hungary’s tight political circles had heard of Péter Magyar — until he unleashed a blistering critique of the government, complete with a secret audio recording of his wife, then Justice Minister Judit Varga.  
   2. The 2023 recording — made without Varga’s knowledge — captured her describing alleged government interference in a corruption case. It helped fuel an explosive scandal that propelled Magyar from a mid-level civil servant into a political force, setting him up to mount the most serious challenge yet to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s 16-year grip on power.
   3. As Magyar rides a commanding lead in the polls ahead of the April 12 parliamentary election, he has galvanized disillusioned voters across the political spectrum, turning his upstart Tisza movement into a vehicle for those seeking to end Orbán’s rule. 
   4. A Tisza victory would not only break Fidesz’s 16-year hold on power, but could also reshape Hungary’s role in Europe — easing Budapest’s clashes with Brussels over the rule of law, reducing its alignment with Moscow and restoring the country as a more predictable partner inside the EU and NATO.
   5. Yet even among those backing his bid to topple a regime he calls corrupt and authoritarian, Magyar remains a deeply polarizing figure, according to interviews with more than 15 of the opposition leader’s allies, rivals, supporters and critics. 
   6. While he has drawn support across the political spectrum by promising to tackle corruption and restore democratic norms, his abrasive style and past inside the Fidesz system — including positions aligned with Orbán on migration and Ukraine — have left parts of the opposition uneasy.
   7. Péter Márki-Zay, the opposition’s 2022 candidate, called him “arrogant,” “self-centered” and “mean” — before adding that such traits may be exactly what’s needed to withstand the pressure from Orbán’s machine. 
   8. [Márki-Zay said,] “We are not going to marry him. … It’s just, you know, we need somebody to put Orbán behind us.”
   9. … Magyar grew up listening to discussions about Hungarian politics at the dinner table. His father was a lawyer and his mother was a senior Supreme Court official. His extended family included Ferenc Mádl [PRON.: FEH-rents MAHD-uhl], who served as president from 2000 to 2005, and his grandfather, Pál Eross, a television commentator dispensing legal advice from screens across the country.
   10. From an early age he was immersed in the country’s post-communist, Christian-democratic intellectual establishment, a background that shaped his ambition for public life, said Miklós Sükösd [PRON.: MIK-losh SOO-kuhshd], a political scientist and media researcher at the University of Copenhagen who has written about Magyar’s political rise.
   11. As he matured, Magyar joined Orbán’s ruling Fidesz [PRON.: FIH-dess] party and became a well-connected insider within it, forging close ties with senior figures including Gergely Gulyás during their student years in Germany. Gulyás is now the prime minister’s chief of staff. 
   12. [Magyar told POLITICO in a 2024 interview,] “We lived in Hamburg together … so we had a very strong connection.”
   13. He did not respond to a request for an interview for this article in time for publication.
   14. He met Varga in 2005 at a party organized by Gulyás. They married a year later.
   15. As Varga rose through the ranks of Fidesz — from a European Parliament lawmaker’s assistant to justice minister in 2019 — Magyar remained on the periphery, first as a stay-at-home father in Brussels and later in mid-level roles in Hungary’s EU representation and other state institutions. 
   16. Magyar repeatedly sought higher positions in the government without success. [Said Sükösd (PRON.: SOO-kuh-shd),] “The ministers always said no, because he was too ambitious and independent. … So his ambition was put down, and it boiled.”
   17. The imbalance bred frustration, Sükösd added. “He was somewhat resentful for many years that Varga was hand-picked.” 
   18. During the 2024 interview, Magyar offered a glimpse of how he viewed the relationship.
   19. “You were married to Miss Varga, and that’s what kick-started the whole process,” the interviewer began, only to be interrupted by Magyar: “She was married to me.”
   20. The couple divorced in March 2023, in what Magyar has described as a break partly driven by political differences. Varga has accused him of physical and verbal abuse, including locking her in a room. Magyar dismisses her claims as “propaganda” orchestrated by Orbán’s entourage. A court has not issued a ruling on the matter.
   21. … Magyar had long been seen within the party as sharp-tongued. During his time at the EU representation he earned a reputation for challenging visitors from Budapest.
   22. [Said one person who used to work with Magyar,] “He has a very stubborn character,” … comparing the opposition leader to his former boss at the Hungarian EU representation, Oliver Várhelyi [PRON.: VAR-hey-ee], who reportedly screamed and swore at staffers.
   23. As his relations with Varga deteriorated, the criticism blossomed into rupture.
   24. In January 2023, two months before the divorce, Magyar secretly recorded Varga describing how government officials had interfered in a corruption case. In a documentary movie filmed later, he said he had been seeking insurance in case he and Varga fell out with the regime.
   25. For months Magyar stayed silent, wary of the impact on their three children. He went on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in Spain.
   26. Then came the opening. In February 2024, a pardon scandal forced Varga and President Katalin Novák to resign over the granting of clemency to a pedophile’s accomplice. Varga, until then Fidesz’s lead candidate for the European Parliament election later that year, declared she was ending her candidacy. 
   27. Accusing Fidesz officials of “hiding behind women’s skirts,” Magyar went public, denouncing the government in a blistering Facebook post in February 2024.
   28. Magyar’s credibility came from his profile: a Fidesz insider publicly accusing the system of corruption.
   29. He quickly moved from social media to independent outlets, becoming the first prominent defector from Orbán’s camp to attack the regime from within and drawing tens of thousands of frustrated voters amid high inflation and a cost-of-living crisis. 
   30. After a protest in March drew roughly 50,000 people, he began building a team of business people and public figures to launch a movement.
   31. Dezső Farkas [PRON.: DEH-zhuh FAR-kahsh], an entrepreneur who was among the first invited to join, said the group saw a rare opening. [He told POLITICO,] “That was the first meeting and we decided — let’s start the party.” Within weeks they were preparing to contest the June European Parliament election.
   32. … At first Magyar struggled to recruit allies. “Péter couldn’t invite any of his friends, because everyone was from Fidesz,” Farkas said. 
   33. Six people quit after the initial meeting. “Everyone was so scared” of potential retaliation, Farkas said. “Some of them had big companies” and feared that Orbán’s government would come down hard on them, he added. 
   34. While Magyar served as the face of the movement, Farkas coordinated operations behind the scenes. He described the party as a “startup,” with theater director Mark Radnai [PRON.: RAHD-noy ] shaping media strategy and actor-influencer Ervin Nagy [PRON.: NODGE] mobilizing crowds.
   35. [Said Farkas, describing an organization struggling to keep up with surging demand “We got 100,000 emails in February-March.” … [So] they quickly built the infrastructure to compete — setting up a donation network and an IT system to reach supporters and recruiting thousands of volunteers.
   36. To run in the 2024 European Parliament election, the group took over a small, little-known party, rapidly building out its digital presence and local networks. The result was a breakthrough: Tisza won 29.6 percent of the vote, while Fidesz dropped to 44.82 percent — its lowest total ever.
   37. [Said Katalin Cseh [PEON.: CHEH], an unaffiliated member of the Hungarian parliament,] Magyar’s supporters see him “as an insider who used to know these people … who was sitting in the first row of Orban’s system.”
   38. His appeal, she added, is that he is viewed “as somebody who understands the system and is capable of beating it.”
   39. Magyar, meanwhile, doubled down on campaigning. To break through the tight control Fidesz maintains on much of the country’s media, he began touring the country. In May 2025 he walked 250 kilometers from Budapest to Oradea in northwest Romania to win the support of ethnic Hungarian minorities in neighboring countries, who mostly vote Fidesz.
   40. Meanwhile, he used Facebook to respond rapidly to events and reach voters directly. The party set up grassroots networks known as “Tisza Islands” to amplify his message even within Fidesz strongholds.
   41. [Tisza’s EU affairs chief and MP candidate Marton Hajdu (PRON.: HAI-doo) told POLITICO,] “He [Magyar] has something that’s very rare in politics today. … He speaks the language of the algorithm, but he builds trust in person. And he can keep up with the speed of the news cycle without losing strategic clarity.”
   42. Ahead of the April 12 election, Magyar continues to tour up to six cities a day.
   43. [Said András Cser-Palkovics (PRON.: AWN-draash CHAIR-PAL-koh-vitch), the mayor of Székesfehérvár [PRON.: SAY-kesh-feh-hair-vahr] in central Hungary and a member of Fidesz who is considered one of the party’s few independent voices,] “There’s no doubt there is a significant social support behind Tisza. … I think that this match is going to be a very tight one.”
   44. … But as Tisza has grown, so too have the questions about the man at its center.
   45. Farkas, one of the party’s founders, quit after the 2024 European election as the early “startup” ethos gave way to internal jockeying for power. He briefly returned, only to leave again, describing the internal culture as increasingly “toxic” and reminiscent of the Fidesz system Magyar once served.
   46. “The culture inside the party got something similar — loyalty-based, not performance-based,” Farkas told POLITICO.
   47. Magyar runs Tisza from the top down. In the 2024 interview with POLITICO he described his party as a “one-man show.” He is the only party member permitted to give interviews, although a select few are allowed to provide brief comments to the media. Tisza’s press team asked journalists not to conduct interviews with attendees at a March 15 protest, and volunteers who spoke to POLITICO said they had been asked not to by their superiors.
   48. Supporters argue the discipline is necessary: A tightly controlled message, they say, is the only way to avoid giving pro-government media ammunition and to keep the party focused on its singular goal of removing Orbán. Observers also praise Magyar’s sharp rhetoric, his seemingly limitless energy on the campaign trail, and his uncanny ability to preempt Orban’s attacks.
   49. [Said Péter Krekó, director at independent political consultancy Political Capital,] “There have been no real scandals that burned on him. … Maybe it’s because he has warned his voter base in advance all the time.”
   50. Magyar has also tried to improve his credibility by surrounding himself with top business executives and professionals, casting himself as a competent alternative to Fidesz’ political class.
   51. And yet he has been betrayed by his own impulsive streak, from public outbursts at journalists to reports of an aggressive confrontation at a nightclub. He leans into the image, styling himself as a tough, masculine leader, posing for example in a Facebook post wearing a sweatshirt emblazoned with the phrase “The Man.”
   52. It’s part of a personality he has folded into his brand as a fighter ready to take on Orbán.  Asked in a documentary how he would describe himself, Magyar replied: “A difficult one,” adding that he is “trying” to improve.
   53. For his many supporters, those flaws are beside the point. Magyar has come to represent something larger than himself: the first plausible chance in years to remove Orbán from power. 
   54. [Said Timea Szabó [PEON.: SAH-boh), a member of the Hungarian parliament from the Green Party who stepped down to clear the way for a Tisza candidate,] “We are not voting for Tisza, we are voting against Fidesz. … That’s the whole point. Hungarians would vote for a goat at this point if it was running against Orbán.”
   55. Péter Márki-Zay, the 2022 united opposition leader who failed at toppling Orbán and who is also a conservative, said Magyar will have to prove he can deliver if he’s to maintain his support should he win the election.
   56. “There is so much pressure behind him,” he said. “But these waves are also ready to crush him if he doesn’t fulfil his promises,” which include putting Orbán behind bars and restoring democracy and the rule of law.
   57. “If he does not do that, we will definitely not tolerate him anymore,” he said
   58. MIKE: I think that there are certainly warning signs here about Magyar. It’s certainly way too soon to plant expectations on him either way, but his style of governance will bear close watching.
   59. MIKE: Will he be better than Orban? Time will tell.
9. Because of the importance of the Hungarian election and change of regime to Europe and perhaps also to us here in the US, I want to dedicate some significant time to reading and discussing it. I want to let you know that I spend some considerable time researching the correct pronunciation of names, and the pronunciation guides are included in the text at this show post at ThinkwingRadio[.]com. First, the following is a long and detailed story about a speech and press conference that Magyar gave on Monday the 13^th. It was written in segments in real time, so I’ve tried to organize it in a way that is more linear, and this has necessarily required some extensive editing on my part, while trying to remain true to the writer’s intent. From TheGuardian-dot-COM, by Jakub Krupa — Hungarian election winner Magyar vows to rebuild EU relationship after stunning defeat of Viktor Orbán – Europe live; By Jakub Krupa in Budapest | THEGUARDIAN.COM | Mon 13 Apr 2026 12.32 EDT. TAGs: World news, Europe live with Jakub Krupa, Hungary, Viktor Orbán, Péter Magyar, Europe, Russia, Ukraine, Putin, Trump, EU,
   1. [MIKE: There is a large section that was apparently written before and during last Sunday’s election. It begins …]
   2. [The] first report from international observers following [Sunday’s] vote is now out and they warned the vote was held without a level-playing field for the main parties, with Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz “benefiting from systemic advantages.”
   3. Their report specifically criticised the “divisive and fear-mongering rhetoric” from Orban’s Fidesz and “unsubstantiated claims of foreign interference” in the build up to the vote. [Observers said,] “The extensive misuse of public office and resources, government messaging, a clear bias in monitored media and news coverage in favour of the ruling party, and serious shortcomings in the regulation of campaign finance further undermined the equality of opportunities among contestants.”
   4. It said the election was contested in a “highly polarised” environment with the main focus on Ukraine and the EU, with other issues “receiving less prominence.”
   5. [Said Sargis Khandanyan [PRON.: SAR-gis Kan-DAN-yan], the OSCE Special Coordinator and leader of the short-term observers,] “It is a testament to the voters that the ruling party’s divisive and inflammatory rhetoric and misuse of office did not stop them voting in record high numbers yesterday.”
   6. You can read the statement in full at the link provided in the story.
   7. [MIKE: The article continues …]
   8. [Hungarian election winner and presumed next prime minister Péter Magyar has outlined his policy platform at a three-hour long press conference with Hungarian and international media (18:24).]
   9. Magyar pledges to lead constructive EU policy and seek compromises on tricky issues …
   10. He says the Hungarians are proud to be a part of the EU and NATO, even as he acknowledges some of the EU’s flaws with its networks of lobbies and interests.
   11. [Said Magyar,] “It’s a complicated bureaucratic, compromise-seeking … organization.”
   12. But he insists “you can find compromises” that will work for Hungary.
   13. [Regarding THE EUROPEAN UNION,] He wants to bring Hungary back to the main fold of EU politics after years of confrontation under Viktor Orbán (14:20, 14:34). He expects some disagreements with the bloc, but he would always seek a compromise.
   14. He pledged to restore constructive relations with the European Union, even despite some potential conflicting views on key issues such as Ukraine, Russia and migration policy.
   15. But he remains critical of the EU’s institutions, bureaucracy, and migration policy from conservative positions, and wants it to be a union of sovereign [states] rather than a federal body (16:11).
   16. … He criticises the EU’s handling of the migration crisis and says EU aid should focus on countries of origin. He wants to pursue a restrictive migration policy domestically. (16:11).
   17. He said he wanted the government to be in place by early May as he insisted the voters gave him a mandate “not just for a change of government, but a change of the regime” after 16 years of Orbán’s rule (14:20). …
   18. He wants to go to Poland, Austria and Brussels as his first three foreign visits as prime minister.
   19. He is open to Hungary joining the eurozone and wants to consider setting a date for it (15:48). He plans to discuss a target date after a brief consultation period.
   20. Unexpectedly, he says that at the time “the Brits were also part of the EU; let’s hope that they rejoin.” … He would welcome the UK back into the EU (15:56).
   21. … He does not support Ukraine’s fast-track accession to the EU and would put it to a referendum. He does not think this would happen in the next decade.
   22. He supports the December proposal on the EU’s €90bn loan [to Ukraine], which features an opt-out for Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia (15:30).
   23. He refuses to contribute to the €90bn aid package to Ukraine as he says Hungary cannot afford to take any more loans and needs to resolve the issue of EU funds first (15:30).
   24. He wants to protect the rights of Hungarian minorities in Ukraine. He considers Ukraine the victim in the war with Russia.
   25. … He wants to have pragmatic relations with Russia (15:47) as Hungary “cannot change geography” and existing ties on energy. He wants to diversify energy supplies to decrease the country’s dependence on any single source.
   26. He wants Russia to end its war against Ukraine, but does not expect Putin to listen to his advice. If the war ends, however, we wants to lift sanctions on Russia “immediately” (15:17, 15:39).
   27. But he thinks Russia is a security risk; that [Russia poses [a] security risk to Hungary and Europe, and that] Europe should be wary of [it] (16:14). …
   28. [Magyar says,] “We know the Russians – and I’m not talking about the Russian people, the Russian culture, the Russian people; they are fantastic people – but the Russian bear [and its role] in Hungarian history.”
   29. He says Hungary “knows exactly what this is all about,” and says Europe – both as a community and the member states separately – “have to prepare for this” and be ready to defend itself.
   30. He says the US is a very important partner that Hungary needs good relations with.
   31. He wants to have good relations with the [Trump Administration and the US,] and is open to engaging with Donald Trump despite the US administration’s involvement in the campaign – but pointedly said he wouldn’t call [Trump] first, just like with Putin (15:53) […], but his administration will be available to talk if the White House reaches out.
   32. He says he does not want to fund further US conservative events in Hungary.
   33. [On the RULE OF LAW, Magyar] says his government will radically reform state institutions as the electorate voted “not just for change of government, but of regime,” but he pledged to stop short of restoring the rule of law through unlawful measures (16:55).
   34. He wants several high-profile officials to resign from public offices, including the country’s president … , a close Orbán ally (14:49, 14:52).
   35. Magyar said he would like to introduce a two-term limit for the prime minister, and commit to it in the constitution, [which could effectively bar Viktor Orbán — who served in the top role for 20 years in total –] from becoming a prime minister ever again. (14:56).
   36. [MIKE: I have to pause here to make a comment. Based on examples of Israel particularly, but also the UK and other parliamentary governments that have had exceptionally long-serving prime ministers, I think that this is an essential reform that they should all consider. This limit should not apply to parties in power, but to how long a single person is allowed to lead the government as prime minister. Personalities matter, and one person should not be able to lead a country — any country — for an unlimited length of time. Continuing on the subject of Peter Magyar and the Hungarian election …]
   37. … [Magyar] says the country has been “devastated” and “looted” by the previous government and requires a fundamental reform (14:15).
   38. He wants to unblock €19bn [of] frozen EU funds for Hungary as a priority (13:24).
   39. [On the subject of ABORTION, he] says the issue is settled and he does not intend to change the current consensus, which requires pregnant women to have to listen to the fetus’s heartbeat before they can access the procedure. Emergency contraception pills are not available without prescription in contrast with most EU countries (16:59). …
   40. [Regarding LGBT RIGHTS, he specifically says,] “We clearly said that, according to Tisza and the many million Hungarian people supporting it, everyone can live with whoever they love as long as they do not violate laws and they are not harmful to others. I think everything is in this, without having to explain any of the details.”
   41. What that means in practice remains to be seen. He supports the right to assembly, which appeared to suggest his openness to future LGBT events in Hungary (16:59). …
   42. [On PRESS FREEDOM, he] says he is committed to media transparency and holding regular press conferences, with a 3-hour media briefing [already on the first day after the election] to show for it (16:01).
   43. He wants to suspend the current state TV and radio broadcaster, introducing new safeguards to ensure unbiased coverage (16:42).
   44. [… In another sign of how eager Magyar and his Tisza party are to move ahead with dismantling of the Orban regime, he has just pledged to “stop the state-funded propaganda” as he describes the country’s party-captured state media, before new safeguards are put in place to ensure unbiased coverage.
   45. He says “one of the first measures will be to stop the news broadcasts of the public television and radio,” and the new administration will seek to establish “a board to ensure the independence of state media,” drawing from the experiences of the BBC “or some other way.” … ]
   46. He taunts state media journalists saying they “should update their CVs” and that “they were unable to keep up pace with me” during the campaign.
   47. … He wants to join the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and step up [the] fight against corruption and cronyism in public institutions. He plans to review public spending and cut funds to institutions captured by the Orbán government (14:15). …
   48. Magyar gets an interesting question on whether he is not concerned that a number of his, let’s say, more offensive moves – like his request for the president and other senior officials to resign, or plans to close the state broadcaster – will be seen not [so] much a return to the rule of law, but a start to a cycle of retribution.
   49. He says he made it very clear that his intention was to get a regime change and he therefore needs to radically reform the institutions to achieve that aim.
   50. He repeats that his government is “not going to take measures against the rule of law in order to restore the rule of law,” but will seek to radically reform the institutions in a way that at the same time clearly restricts the executive’s ability to influence them in the future.
   51. [Magyar says,] “I’m not here to get rich and I’m not here to rule forever.” …
   52. He says Europe “mismanaged” the migration crisis and this has shaken people’s sense of safety. [He says,] “Most countries now, rather late, have realised that their initial stance was not good … The problem [of migration] should not have been brought to Europe, but we should have helped primarily in those countries” where they come from.
   53. [Magyar says,] … he opposes [a] federal Europe. Talking about how sees the EU work in the future, he says “we don’t have to have the European United States” as he backs the idea of the union of independent, sovereign states instead.
   54. He says the EU should “recognise and respect our differences,” and “not force things on one another.”
   55. [Magyar went on to say,] “They [Tisza] want functioning, strong nation states and a good and well-functioning EU that gives the framework that helps people so that they can travel freely, they can work, they can invest in each other’s countries and to live in peace. This is what Hungarians want.”
   56. But he also says that Brussels often shows the tendency of “thinking everything is happening there” and moving too eagerly to regulate everything. “Everything should be regulated, but less is more occasionally, and if you adhere to it, stick to it, and everyone respects it, we are [actually] further ahead than when we have 125 rules and no one wants to adhere to them.”
   57. … [Reporter Jakub Krupa says,] If you are surprised by how long this press conference is [at over 3 hours], [as] is to be expected a day after election, it’s both about the merits but also a bit about political theatre.
   58. The reason why Magyar is keen to answer (or be seen as answering) all – or as many as possible – questions is to mark a break from the previous government’s policy to only answer questions from a group of hand-picked friendly outlets. …
   59. Talking about Hungary’s broader alliances in Europe, Magyar briefly draws on his time as a diplomat in Brussels as he talks about negotiations with other countries. …
   60. Magyar gets asked about his contact with the US, in light of the US administration’s clear support for his rival, Viktor Orbán.
   61. He repeats his previous suggestions that the upcoming 70th anniversary of the 1956 Budapest Uprising could be a good opportunity to host global leaders in the city. …
   62. He plans to discuss a target date after a brief consultation period. …
   63. [MIKE: As I said at the beginning, this story was written by the journalist in real time. I’ve tried to remove redundancies and make the narrative more linear without changing the author’s intent. There are lots of links in the original story, and I encourage interested listeners to click on the original story link in this show post at ThinkwingRadio-dot-COM to do their own explorations.
10. Next, I think that this is an important thought piece suggesting that it might be wise to temper expectations about how Peter Magyar’s style of governance might actually change things in Hungary and their external relations with other countries. From POLITICO-dot-EU — Analysis: Don’t read too much into Orbán’s defeat; By Jamie Dettmer | POLITICO.EU | April 14, 2026 4:00 am CET. TAGS: Corruption , Donald Trump , Elections , Elections in Europe , Euroskeptics , Far right , Hungarian elections 2026 , Hungarian politics , Populism Unpacked, EU27 , Hungary , United States , Friedrich Merz , JD Vance , Péter Magyar , Viktor Orbán,
    1. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz had a spring in his step after Hungary’s Péter Magyar stunningly routed incumbent Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in the country’s parliamentary election on Sunday.
    2. It is “a good day,” he told reporters, and “a very clear signal against right-wing populism.”
    3. But is Merz right to see Magyar’s stunning victory as a rejection of national conservatism and a rebuff of the global far-right movement? Not quite.
    4. As Europe’s centrist politicians are gleeful over the downfall of their bête noire, and many Orbán-aligned parties worry that U.S. President Donald Trump is now toxic to their ambitions, they all risk reading too much into the Hungarian election’s outcome, which is far from a victory for lefty liberalism.
    5. This was a race fought on the bread-and-butter issues of economics and corruption, with Magyar himself crediting his win to a “good kind of populism” at a press conference on Monday. And the result will be a new Hungarian parliament that is fully right wing, nationalist and sovereigntist.
    6. For MAGA, Magyar’s win was still a shock to the system, of course. By the time Merz made his address on Monday, there was still an eerie hush in Washington over the downfall of the movement’s strongest ideological European ally — affectionately called the “Trump before Trump.” And while leaders across Europe, including Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, offered Magyar their congratulations, the U.S. president kept his own counsel.
    7. The silence spoke volumes, possibly suggesting Washington also viewed Magyar’s win as presaging an inauspicious trend for populists. Normally, Trump can’t restrain himself from telling the world his every passing thought. Not so on this occasion — and no wonder.
    8. Trump and MAGA had invested a lot in Hungary to try and tip the scales in Orbán’s favor, gleefully breaking the taboo of meddling in another country’s elections.
    9. The U.S. president endorsed his ideological Hungarian soulmate half-a-dozen times, including last Friday, two days before the vote. And he promised Hungarians that the U.S. stood ready to support their country with “full economic might” if they voted for Orbán. [Declared Trump on his Truth Social platform,] “We are excited to invest in the future prosperity that will be generated by Orbán’s continued leadership!”
    10. It was MAGA’s last heave for the Hungarian leader, following S. Vice President’s JD Vance’s two-day trip to Budapest to stump for the prime minister. Washington dispatching Vance — and U.S. Secretary State Marco Rubio before him — showed just how serious the administration was about the Hungarian election.
    11. [Timothy Ash of Britain’s Chatham House told POLITICO during the election campaign,] “For MAGA, the two most important elections this year are those in Hungary and the midterms in the United States.”
    12. Still, for all the cajoling, threats and dire warnings — echoing Orbán’s own message that without him, both Brussels and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy would drag Hungary into the war raging on the other side of the border — Hungarians didn’t buy it.
    13. And yet, this is not the devastating blow to the far right that it’s made out to be.
    14. Politicians and journalists are often quick to declare this or that election as the beginning of a broad and lasting transnational political trend. Sometimes that’s correct, and an election — especially one that sees such a dramatic swing — can, indeed, be a trendsetter. But more often than not, elections don’t stick closely to international trends, instead reflecting local political and economic circumstances, or simply being the natural, parochial swing of the pendulum.
    15. The latter was, arguably, the explanation for the British Labour Party’s landslide victory in 2024 — which came despite them winning fewer votes than during their electoral rout in 2019 — after languishing in opposition for 14 years. It was more a rejection of the Conservatives than conservatism; a testament to the Tory Party’s wild unpopularity (they lost 7 million votes compared with 2019) as the party itself admitted to making a hash of their time in office.
    16. No doubt Magyar’s win will still be seen as a symbolic setback for populism, possibly even more so thanks to the global far right’s mass efforts to boost Orbán in his time of need, and Washington increasingly determined to ramp up support for like-minded political actors across Europe.
    17. Ahead of the election results, some in the populist movement — like Orbán ally Frank Furedi [PRON.: Foo-RAY-dee], who heads the Brussels-based Mathias Corvinus Collegium think tank — were already willing to acknowledge a defeat for the prime minister would certainly be bad news. [Furedi told POLITICO,] “It would be seen as an ideological or intellectual setback if he lost. … You have to remember that Orbán plays a disproportionately influential role in terms of the outlook of many of these parties and their leaders, who have a strong affection for him.”
    18. [Furedi continued, saying,] “I think a defeat would have an impact at least in the short term, in terms of influencing continent-wide political dynamics.”
    19. That’s something Magyar’s win can certainly do: It leaves Slovakia’s Prime Minister Robert Fico [PRON.: FEE-co] isolated in the European Council. It will likely demoralize other Euroskeptic populists and, as Furedi noted, it’s a prestige hit [against] far-right movements across the globe. It is also likely to encourage Europe’s populist leaders to distance themselves from MAGA — something that has been happening at pace since last spring, in reaction to the U.S. president’s economic brinkmanship and Vance’s aggressive Munich Security Conference speech.
    20. Since then, disapproval of Trump has surged among Europe’s populist-inclined voters — a warning to right-wing populist parties trying to attract broader support that getting close to Trump has its risks. An endorsement from the U.S. administration is far from a guarantee of victory and could well become a kiss of death.
    21. But when it comes to the Hungarian vote, the result isn’t so much about ideology as it is about jobs, a flatlining economy, deteriorating public services and anger over corruption.
    22. As Magyar, who is himself a conservative skeptical of Ukraine and is unlikely to break with Orbán’s migration policies, noted on X: Hungarian history “is not written in Washington, Moscow, or Brussels.” And in Hungary, voters had grown restless. They were increasingly tired of Orbán and his ruling Fidesz party after 16 years of political dominance.
    23. Indeed, the true lesson here for any national conservative and populist leader, or any incumbent for that matter, is this: Fail to deliver on the pocketbook issues, and risk defeat.
    24. Or in Magyar’s own words: “You have to stay with the people.”
    25. MIKE: As has been noted here and in previous articles I’ve read about Magyar both today and last week, Magyar is no political liberal. He is, at best, at right-of-center on the political spectrum.
    26. . MIKE: But at worst, I’m going to make a potential comparison that might seem both obscure and bizarre, especially to almost anyone younger than me.
    27. MIKE: Consider the Cuban Revolution of 1959. If you want to know about it in great detail, I’m linking to the Wikipedia article about it, but I will only use it to make these points.
    28. MIKE: The revolution began after the 1952 Cuban coup d’état, in which Fulgencio Batista overthrew the emerging Cuban democracy and consolidated power.
    29. MIKE: My recollection of stories at the time — my age was in the high single digits, but we did cover this in school as it happened as well as discussion at home — was that Castro was not seen as a Communist revolutionary, but simply as someone who wanted to overthrow a corrupt dictatorship.
    30. MIKE: President Franklin D. Roosevelt reportedly once said of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza, “He may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch.” It defines a pragmatic, often cold-hearted U.S. foreign policy of supporting authoritarian leaders who serve American interests. This attitude was behind the US support of Batista.
    31. MIKE: Thus, while the US government officially supported Batista, Castro had the support of many Americans, both morally and financially. So, when Castro and his movement succeeded in overthrowing Batista, many Americans were happy about the change of government. And then Castro made a sudden and decisive turn toward alliance with the Soviet Union and Communism. Among most Americans, that changed everything. Just three years later, this led to the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis that almost started World War 3.
    32. MIKE: I could see some potential parallel here between the history of Castro’s Cuban revolution and its radical and unexpected turn, and the political hopes that have been pinned on Peter Magyar both in Hungary and among democracies around the world.
    33. MIKE: There’s Hungary’s non-violent overthrow of an authoritarian government that thrilled the Western World. But the future that it brings is yet to be written.
    34. Magyar has been described by himself and others as a one-man band. What might such a personality do when his personal ambitions for change in Hungary — no matter how democratic he may intend —are too slow, or even thwarted by the realities of politics and governance?
    35. MIKE: Someone with the tendency to keep the levers of control to himself may not be the best person to guide a country back to liberal democracy, but perhaps I’ll be pleasantly surprised.
    36. MIKE: Let’s see how things look a year from now.
11. Now, from NPR[.]ORG — Orbán’s defeat is a win for democracy and a warning to Trump, analysts say; By Frank Langfitt | NPR.ORG | Updated April 17, 2026@6:00 AM ET. TAGS: Donald Trump, Hungary, authoritarianism, political science,
    1. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán was seen for years as a master of tilting the electoral playing field in his favor to remain in power. On Sunday, his carefully-crafted strategy finally failed.
    2. His opponent, Péter Magyar — a former Orbán loyalist — ran a campaign focused on Hungary’s economic problems, government corruption and getting rid of the prime minister himself. The record turnout overwhelmed the measures Orbán had taken over the years to preserve power.
    3. Hungarian American experts here in the U.S. say Orbán’s loss has lessons for President Trump, and about the resilience of democracy.
    4. [Said David Koranyi who runs Action for Democracy, a U.S.-based civil society organization,] “You can rewrite the constitution, you can capture public media, you can gerrymander election districts, but as long as people still enjoy the freedom to vote and to vote for whomever they want to, these systems can be reversed under the right circumstances.”
    5. The case of Hungary is relevant because many political scientists say Trump has adopted a version of Orbán’s competitive authoritarian
    6. The president has sued news organizations, and the Federal Communications Commission has threatened to pull licenses from broadcasters the president has said are biased against him. 
    7. Trump has also suggested the federal government take over the running of elections in 15 states and has used the Justice Department to target his perceived political enemies.
    8. Orbán’s defeat shows the limits of these sorts of tactics, especially when wielded by an unpopular leader.
    9. [Said Lorinc Redei (PEON.: LOH-rints REH-day), who teaches politics at the University of Texas at Austin,] “Fundamentally in a democracy, you can’t have the majority of people against you for too long before you lose power.”
    10. Orbán’s loss also suggests opportunities for Democrats heading into the midterms and Republicans thinking about a presidential run in 2028, experts say.
    11. Like Orbán, President Trump is vulnerable on the economy, which he pledged to fix. An NPR/PBS News/Marist Poll earlier this year found nearly 6 in 10 people disapproved of Trump’s handling of the economy – normally a strength for the president.
    12. Magyar, a former member of Orbán’s Fidesz party, led the opposition in Hungary and built a broad coalition. Magyar cut a patriotic profile, traveling the country in a pickup truck with a color scheme that matched the Hungarian flag.
    13. [Said Julia Sonnevend, a professor of sociology and communications at the New School in New York,] “Everywhere he went, he emphasized that national identity and patriotism do not belong to the right wing.”
    14. Sonnevend said Magyar also steered clear of divisive social issues. When Orbán tried to ban last year’s Pride parade in Budapest, Magyar chose not to march and kept his coalition together.
    15. [Said Redei, the politics professor,] “Magyar really managed to unite the entire opposition to Orbán under his flag and I think that carries lessons for Democrats . . . that you need to create a very, very broad tent.”.
    16. Magyar also benefitted from his profile as an insider and member of Orbán’s right-wing party, who saw the light and quit. Magyar publicly broke with Orbán’s government two years ago. Magyar was furious after his ex-wife, the justice minister, took the fall for a scandal involving the pardon of a child sex abuser.
    17. Koranyi says members of the Trump administration who want to succeed him could try to distance themselves from the president in advance of a 2028 presidential run. But choosing when to break with a powerful leader is tricky.
    18. [Said Prof. Redei,] “It’s hard to know ahead of time when that window of opportunity is going to close. … The higher up you are in a party, the earlier it closes.”
    19. Some conservative political watchers in the U.S., however, said people are reading too much into Orbán’s loss. The United States is a vast, ethnically diverse nation of about 340 million people, while Hungary has a population of less than 10 million and is about the size of Indiana.
    20. Matt Schlapp, who leads the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), pointed out that Orbán, 62, was running for a fifth term, and that no politician can win forever.
    21. [Said Schlapp, whose organization has held annual conferences in Hungary,] “When you’ve been in power 16 years, as Victor Orbán has, longer than FDR . . . it was probably asking a little too much to buck that much history.”
    22. Mike Gonzalez, a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation, noted that a win for Magyar – who favors strict immigration and conservative social values – is no victory for the left. But Gonzalez added that Orbán’s defeat has lessons for President Trump.
    23. [Said Gonzalez,] “Keep the promises you’ve made. … Above all, don’t get complacent.”
    24. MIKE: I think that this story is a good way to sum up all the preceding stories and remarks about the Hungarian election.
    25. MIKE: For the US, it breaks down the opportunities and dangers, as well as the challenges and differences, that confront us when compared to Hungary and to Orbán’s running for a 5^th term in his “illiberal democracy” versus a Trumpist politician running for what amounts to a 3^rd term for Trump.
    26. MIKE: And it offers a warning to Democrats and other liberals that the winning solution to Trump and future Trumpists may not me a center-left politician but a center-right one. Remember these wise words from Star Trek’s Dr. McCoy and heed them: [RUN AUDIO: 7.7s] “I’ve found that evil usually triumphs unless good is very, very careful.”
12. MIKE: Finally, on an obliquely related note, I have some thoughts about the political situation in the US.
    1. Is the GOP (the so-called “Grand Old Party”) now the DOP (Despicable Old Party)?
    2. If there was ever anything “grand” about the old Republican Party, that time is gone.
    3. They are now the Despicable Old Party (aka, DOP) for their support, and their aiding and abetting of Trump and his racism, misogyny, conversion of the DOJ to his malignant vengeance and retribution campaigns, his creation of MAGA Concentration Camps, his damage to the US alliances and our standing around the world, and more.
    4. In my opinion, though it’s unlikely, the Republican Party should be dissolved in the way the Whig Party was dissolved when it became irrevocably split between its anti- and pro-slavery wings.
    5. The Republican Party now has a pro-authoritarian/fascist wing, which is clearly dominant. If there is an anti– authoritarian/fascist wing, it’s either very small or extremely quiet; so quiet as to make it functionally irrelevant.
    6. There are many longtime Republicans who have left the Republican Party due to its current Trumpist shift, and they are both a model for what center-right Republicans should do, and the potential core of a new party. If the anti-authoritarian/fascist Republicans want to do something meaningful and patriotic, they should disavow the current Republican Party and form a new pro-democracy center-right party.
    7. Perhaps it could be called the Lincoln Republican Party, but what to call it would be up to them.
    8. For the good of the nation (and perhaps their own short-term benefit), Democrats should, and probably would, support such a party and might even help it overcome the various barriers that exist to third-party entry onto ballots.
    9. Some might ask, why shouldn’t these center-right Republicans simply join an existing party such as the Libertarians? They are often on ballots now, so the leap might be logistically easier.
    10. Well, they obviously could, but I don’t think that the Libertarian Party represents these moderate Republicans either.
    11. How these alienated and disenfranchised moderate Republicans decide to proceed is obviously entirely up to them, but they must do something!
    12. The future of our democracy depends upon it.

There’s always more to discuss, but that’s all we have time for today.

You’ve been listening to Thinkwing Radio with Mike Honig from KPFT Houston 90.1-HD2, Galveston 89.5-HD2, and Huntsville 91.9-HD2. We are Houston’s Community radio. I hope you’ve enjoyed the show and found it interesting, and I look forward to sharing this time with you again next week. Y’all take care!